Thirdly, Japan is advancing in its process of normalization, which implies possessing armed forces as a legitimate foreign policy instrument, with right to act in collective self-defense operations as a way to contribute to the maintenance of regional and international security. The launching of missiles, including the intercontinental Hwasong-15, and the test of a hydrogen bomb has made it clear that North Korea already is a nuclear power, with the capacity to reach Guam, to devastate Seoul and Tokyo and, - in the absence of other options - use its nuclear capabilities as an instrument of bargaining or persuasion, or if necessary, go to war. The rapid modernization of the Chinese armed forces (Gady 2017a, 212) and the North Korean aggressiveness can be highlighted in this respect. Secondly, Asia, as one of the most militarized global regions 1, with the highest military budgets, troop contingencies, an abundance of military equipment, and large number of nuclear states, distinguishes itself by the absence of regional security mechanisms, as for instance, a NATO. Alliance and discontinue the extended deterrence, on which its national security has been based. With these steps, worries have spread in Japan regarding the possibility that the U.S. President Trump, on the other hand, has promoted a radical strategic reshuffling by assuming the “America First’’ strategy, by withdrawing from the TPP, by questioning the bilateral agreement and military exercises with South Korea, and by initiating a trade war with China. With President Obama, the United States, which has been the guarantor of a relative strategic regional stability since the beginning of the century, signaled its interest in assuming a more hegemonic regional position, with the proposals to return to Asia and with the leadership of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), seeking to isolate or contain China. In an unstable scenario as that of Asia, the present decade (2010s) has contributed with some elements that have left it even more complex and insecure.